More broadly, it will look at whether Biden administration’s Asia policy derives from its China policy or vice versa. It will particularly worry about any signs that Washington would be willing to limit competition or criticism in return for Chinese cooperation on certain administration priorities. Opinion | Anirudh Suri writes: Ladakh face-off may be linked to India aligning with US against Chinese tech playersĭelhi will closely watch how this debate plays out and how Biden might respond to any overtures from Beijing. Its outcome will depend in part on the president’s views, who holds key foreign and economic policy positions, as well as Beijing’s approach. And there is a debate on this among Biden’s advisors - one that will likely continue. An Obama administration China hand noted that opinion in the US on approach to China has “moved from balancing co-operation and competition, to competition and confrontation”.īut what a Biden administration sees as the terms of strategic competition with China and how it might choose to blend in cooperation will have implications for India. His campaign has laid out specific steps it will take vis-à-vis Tibet and Taiwan, and talked of a “genocide” in Xinjiang.Īnd there is recognition among most Democrats that the US-China relationship today is different from what it was in 2009, 2012 or 2016.
He has called Xi “a thug” and written about “the need to get tough on China”. Commentators have noted his recent, more hardened view of China. The former vice president is no stranger to foreign policy or Xi. These doubts have been fuelled in part by Trump’s statements about his “very, very good friend” Xi, as well as his reported willingness to look the other way on developments related to Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Huawei/ZTE.ĭelhi will also watch China policy closely if Joe Biden wins. But questions have remained about whether the competitive approach to China has sufficient presidential buy-in or is more the result of certain Trump administration officials’ preferences. The administration subsequently pivoted to competition with China that summer. There has been a persisting concern about Trump striking a deal with Chinese leader Xi Jinping since the Mar-a-Lago summit in April 2017. However, there are aspects of President Trump’s China approach that have caused consternation in Delhi. Moreover, while India prefers a subtler approach to highlighting Beijing’s malign behaviour, the administration’s more explicit one - and the tools it has as its disposal - has put a global spotlight on Chinese assertiveness. This, in turn, has laid the basis for defence and security cooperation, incentivised Washington to manage differences with Delhi on trade, Russia, Iran, and human rights, and led to vocal American support for India in the ongoing crisis with China.
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And it has facilitated, if not driven, the Trump administration to assign India an important role in its strategic framework, including through the Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept. It broadly converges with Indian concerns about a rising China’s actions and intentions.
The outcome will depend on not just who wins in November, but also the choices that the next American president makes on key personnel and policies.įor the Indian government, the Trump administration’s more hawkish view of China has been welcome. Particularly consequential will be how a second Trump administration or a Biden administration perceive and approach China and, relatedly, the question of America’s role in the world. However, that misses a crucial point: Broader foreign policy decisions will have more significant implications for India. A significant amount of the commentary in India about the upcoming US presidential election’s impact has focused on what Donald Trump and Joe Biden have said or not said about Kashmir.
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